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THE TRUCKS COMING from Kissufim – an Israeli crossing point that was closed for two decades and reopened during the war – have become a symbol of both hope and horror in Gaza.
From the early hours of dawn, thousands of desperate people gather, waiting for the aid trucks to arrive.
Alamy Stock Photo
Alamy Stock Photo
Often, they wait until midday – or longer – without knowing if they will receive anything. But for many, the wait is not the worst part. Those who don’t make it to the front of the crowd often return home empty-handed. Others never return at all.
“If they don’t get aid, they might be killed,” said Khalil Khader, 41, an eyewitness who went to get aid this week told The Journal. “[It could be] by Israeli fire from quadcopter drones, tanks, or even under the wheels of the very trucks bringing the aid.”
Since the end of May, dozens of Palestinians have been killed while trying to get aid, including at least 30 who were killed by Israeli forces on Friday.
The chaos amid this new way of distributing humanitarian aid has led to deadly scenes.
“I saw a man crushed under the wheels of a trailer,” Khader said. “The driver had been threatened at gunpoint by one of the armed gangs and forced to speed through the crowd. Another man’s brains were scattered across the pavement after he was run over.”
The scenes near Netzarim, the line that separates north Gaza from south Gaza, are a stark example of Gaza’s humanitarian catastrophe, where even aid has become a source of danger, and survival hinges on luck, strength, and desperation.
With flour scarce, people are not fighting for meals, but for the basic ingredient needed to make bread – the only thing keeping many families from starvation.
“I saw a woman carrying two sacks of flour,” Khader recounted. “A man stopped her with a knife and told her, ‘Give me one sack. Two are too much for you to eat.’ She was forced to hand over one.”
Since the start of the war, many international humanitarian and UN agencies had been distributing whatever aid could get into Gaza in a regular and dignified manner, often coordinating with local partners to ensure a safe and organised process.
In March, the Israeli military severely restricted the entry of humanitarian aid. After two months, it designated the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF) – a private organisation backed by the US and Israel – as the main distributor at four aid points in southern Gaza, including Netzarim point. These distribution sites are located in areas secured by Israeli forces.
According to reports, around 200 people were killed while waiting for food at these points during the first two weeks of the system’s operation.
The United Nations and major aid groups have refused to cooperate with the foundation over concerns it was designed to cater to Israeli military objectives.
The head of a UN inquiry into Israel and Palestine described the GHF system as ‘outrageous’. “As we watch daily, people who go to these centres are being killed as they seek food,” Navi Pillay said.
Three children mourn their father, Mohanmmed Ghaben, who was killed going to an aid distribution hub this week Alamy Stock Photo
Alamy Stock Photo
The World Food Programme is the only leading humanitarian organisation following UNRWA in distributing aid to Gaza, but it has only been able to get small amounts of food and aid in to Gaza in recent weeks, and some trucks have been looted by armed gangs.
UNRWA chief Philippe Lazzarini likened the GHF aid system to the Hunger Games and described it as a “most degrading and humiliating” way to distribute aid.
James Elder, the UNICEF spokesperson, wrote on Twitter, “You don’t ask a mother to leave her children and walk 15 nautical miles to a militarised zone. This is not humanitarian aid.”
The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) has warned that aid operations in Gaza are severely hindered by crossing delays, insecure routes and intensified Israeli military activity. It says multiple entry points urgently need to be opened to ensure food reaches those in need.
The UN agency said food production and food systems in Gaza have been severely weakened by farmers and fishers not having safe access to their lands, livestock and the sea. For that, GHF remains the main source for people to risk their lives for food.
Famine looms over Gaza. The risk of famine in Gaza is “increasingly likely”, according to a full analysis released on 6 June by the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC), a global initiative used by the UN to assess food insecurity.
A man carrying a box of food in northern Gaza Alamy Stock Photo
Alamy Stock Photo
The report cites the expansion of Israeli military operations, the continued mass displacement of civilians — with 82% of Gaza now designated as an Israeli-militarised zone — and the persistent obstruction of humanitarian access as key drivers pushing the territory closer to famine.
The hunger and poverty in Gaza have reached all residents of Gaza. Even before the war, poverty in the Gaza Strip had reached a staggering 50%, according to the Palestinian Bureau of Statistics. But since the start of the conflict, the situation has deteriorated dramatically, pushing families to the brink of starvation.
With banks crippled, no access to 3G or 5G internet, and online transfers virtually impossible, many Gazans have had no choice but to rely on cash sent from relatives and supporters abroad. Yet obtaining that cash comes at a steep cost.
In a desperate workaround, local traders have begun charging a 41% fee to convert digital money into physical cash—an arrangement that many say mirrors interest rates, which are forbidden under Islamic principles. For those struggling to survive, the ethical dilemma is overshadowed by hunger.
This system, born out of wartime necessity, means that for every €100 sent, only €59 reaches the hands of those in need—just enough, in some cases, to buy food. But for others, even that lifeline is out of reach.
Ibrahim Salem, 55, from Gaza, says his daughter, who works in the United Arab Emirates, sends him part of her salary every month to help him survive the war.
“She transfers money to me every month,” he says. “But we lose between 31%-41% just to get it in cash. She’s working hard abroad, making double the effort, and yet the money she sends only buys food for a few days.”
Like many families in Gaza, Salem is caught in a cycle where support from abroad is swallowed by informal fees imposed by local traders, leaving little left for essentials.
He goes to Rafah’s humanitarian distribution point to get the aid.
Mohammed Abu Jayyab, an economist based in Gaza, says Israel’s economic restrictions are aimed at weakening Hamas by cutting off its access to funds.
“Israel wants to deprive Hamas of financial resources. It banned the entry of cash since the start of this war, so that Hamas loses public support, becomes unable to pay its employees, and is weakened from within,” he told The Journal. “At the same time, it’s applying pressure on civilians, who are bearing the brunt of these policies.”
“These measures are intended to make life harder for civilians and for even keeping the hostages held in Gaza, in order to pressure Hamas into accepting a deal” he said. “But ultimately, civilians are the ones being punished by these collective restrictions.”
Abu Jayyab also criticised the way aid is being distributed within Gaza.
“Israel relies on armed groups to smuggle in aid, which they then sell at inflated prices, draining cash liquidity from the market,” he said. “These groups take a large commission to convert digital bank payments into physical cash, which means civilians receive only a fraction of the original value.”
“Even the UN and international organisations are being forced to cooperate with this chaotic system just to ensure aid gets into Gaza. But ordinary people cannot access that aid safely or with dignity.”
Salah is a Palestinian journalist and war survivor who reports on economics, conflict and development. Displaced during the Israeli assault on Gaza, she is now based in the UK. Her work has appeared in the LA Times, Al Jazeera, Al-Monitor, Channel 4 and other international outlets.
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